SLANDER AGAINST NIRUPAM SEN WEST BENGAL MINISTER

Shri Debabrata Bandyopadhyay is a trusted Advisor to Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee. He is also a former Secretary of Revenue and erstwhile Secretary of Rural Development in the Government of India.

In a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009 he has thrown mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records".

In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image.

What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.

Bandyopadhyay's entire article is a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack and demonize serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist).

The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the ‘Sainbari’ incident on 17th March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.

The argument of Bandyopadhyay's article is that:

1. 50/60 armed hooligans under the leadership of “Benoy Konar” attacked the residence of Sains in Burdwan with “foul mood” and murdered two Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain.

2. 17 of the miscreants were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers.

3. The author does not care to mention their names.

4. Eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971.

5. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

6. The "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice.
7. On both occasions their appeal was rejected.

8. The convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means".

9. Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sain murder case were released on “unconditional and unlimited parole”.

10. The "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court" and were destroyed.

11. The Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case.

12. The "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

13. One Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.

FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER

1. The 2nd United Front Government led by Ajoy Mukhopadhyay was dismissed by Governor Dharam Veera on 16-03-1970.

2. A 24-Hour Bangla Bandh was called by the CPI (M) and other Left Parties on the next day 17-03-1970.

3. In each and every locality in West Bengal the “Bandh” was being observed peacefully and the cadres of Leftist Parties took out processions and organized mass meetings against the dismissal of the State Government.

4. A similar peaceful procession was taken out in at Talmaruin area of Burdwan Town on that day by CPI (M) workers.

5. It was attacked by antisocial elements of Congress Party with bombs, lethal weapons and as a result one Gourhari Dey was injured seriously.

6. In the clash followed, 2 Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronab Sain and one private tutor were killed.

7. At 12:30 PM on the same day, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya s/o Bomkesh Bhattacharjee of Ahiritola Lane, P.S. & Dist. Burdwan lodged an FIR with the Burdwan Police Station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam in the Congress Party Office in consultation with Panchu Gopal Mukherjee, S.P. of Burdwan, Shankari Chatterjee, Officer-in-Charge, Burdwan Police Station and Rabindranath Ghosh, S.I. of Burdwan Police Station.

All the above three police officers had taken a pledge to wipe out CPI (M) from Burdwan District. Bijoyesh Ganguly was mentioned as witness.

8. The manufactured FIR mentioned clearly the following:

a. A peaceful ‘Bandh’ was being observed at the call of a political party but its armed cadres were giving provocative slogans.

b. At about 8-00 am an armed procession of about 1500/2000 people were proceeding through Pratapeswar-Shibtola in the town where the residence of Sain brothers was situated.

c. The processionists broke open the residence of the Sain Brothers, set it to fire and in the ensuing clash two Sain Brothers named Moloy Sain, Pronob Sain and family private tutor Jiten Roy were killed.

9. On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 under sections 148/149/307/302/336/380 of I.P.C. against the following persons and took up investigation of the case.

(1) Ajit Kumar Mukherjee @ Tila (2) Kalyan Dutta Mondal (3) Pabitra Bhattacharjee (4) Madhu (5) Anwar Hossain (6) Akbar Hossain (7) Tapas Mukherjee (8) Vivek (9) Bulu (10) Amal Banerjee (11) Bablu Banerjee (12) Saikat Sain (13) Gandhi (14) Budo (15) Mahadeb Bhattacharjee (16) Swadhin Chatterjee (17) Mridul Sen (18) Salil Bhattacharjee (19) Subhas Chatterjee (20) Dilip Dubey (21) Ajoy Chatterjee (22) Bablu Dutta (23) Pradip Ghosh (24) Baidyanath Samanta (25) Sujit Ghosh (26) Subodh Chowdhury, (27) Amiya Dawn of Shaktigarh, Freedom Fighter Subodh Chowdhury and in the name of others totaling to 72 and 1500 unknown people.

In the original FIR there was no mention of the names of the then MLA Benoy Konar, Gokulananda Roy, Municipal Councillor Mojammel Hossain, Ramnarayan Goswami @ Kudo, Abdul Rashid, Swapan Banerjee and others.

10. Shri Tarun Dutta was the District Magistrate of Burdwan.

11. Later the officiating Chief Minister Shri Sidhartha Shankar Roy had been to Burdwan a number of times. He met the mother of Sain brothers Smt. Mrignayana Devi and made a wide-spread false and malicious propaganda that she was forced to eat boiled rice mixed with blood of her two slain sons on the fateful day. He had also introduced her to Smt. Indira Gandhi.

12. The notorious Governor Dharam Veera also visited Burdwan to give it wide publicity.

13. All the anti-Leftist Forces and a section of perverted media in the country had spread concocted stories of CPI (M) brutality and made it an all India issue.

14. After completion of the investigation the D.D.I., Asansol submitted a charge sheet against 111 persons including Benoy Konar and others on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 326/302/440/836/114/149/336 of I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan.
15. The Investigating Officer requested the Court to release 34 innocent persons who were arrested indiscriminately by him.

16. Out of these 111 accused persons, 56 persons were in jail as Under Trial Prisoners.

17. In this case " STATE V AJIT MUKHERJEE AND 83 OTHERS” also known as the “SAINBARI CASE” there was mention of 78 persons as public witnesses.

18. After submission of the Charge Sheet some more arrests were made.

19. During the running of the trial at Burdwan, the advocate Bhabadish Roy defending the accused, Freedom Fighter Shibshankar Chowdhury (Kalo Da), Purnananda Batabyal, Pancha Bagdi, Ram Mudi, Arun Devbhuti, Nitya Paul, Anwar, Brinta (Bagha), Arun Dutta, Shanti Bhanja and many other CPI (M) leaders & cadres were killed by criminals of Congress Party in Burdwan Town. A total reign of terror was created by the Congress hoodlums and butchers in connivance with Superintendent of Police Panchu Gopal Mukherjee and other police officials in the town.

20. Most of the CPI (M) leaders and cadres living in Burdwan town had fled and took shelter elsewhere.

21. The accused persons, therefore, made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town on safety and security reasons.

22. The Learned Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accused persons.

23. Thereafter the accused persons moved the Hon'ble High Court, Calcutta. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74.

24. Some of the accused persons died in the meantime and some were absconding. So, the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee framed Charges against 83 accused persons on 13.8.77 including Benoy Konar, Dilip Dubey, Ramnarayan Goswami, Ashok Bhusan Chakraborty, Mridul Sen, Sukanta Konar, Nirupam Sen, Rajat Banerjee, Amiya Saha, Swapan Banerjee under sections 148/149/302/149/436 of IPC and read out their names. All the accused persons pleaded innocence.

25. The names of Amal Haldar and Manik Roy were mentioned neither in the original FIR nor in the charge sheet framed by The Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge on 13-08-1977.

26. In the meantime, the Left Front Government came to power on 21st June, 1977. Immediately after installation, it declared the following policies on the basis of “Forgive and Forget”:

a. No revenge will be taken against those criminals and murderers of the Congress Party who had butchered more than 1200 CPI (M) leaders and cadres in West Bengal between 1971 and1977 and created a reign of terror during this period.

b. All political prisoners irrespective of affiliation would be released unconditionally.

27. On 20.9.77 the Learned Public Prosecutor, therefore, filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons.

28. On 30-09-1977 Shri Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee heard the case and ordered to withdraw cases against only 4 accused persons.

29. All the other accused persons appealed to the Calcutta High Court. Maintaining the order of 30-09-1977 the Calcutta High Courted directed the State Government to submit afresh a petition before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal of the case. Shri Asit Ganguly defended the accused persons.

30. On 29-11-1977 the Public Prosecutor filed an application afresh u/s 321 Cr.P.C before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court on following grounds.

a. There was an occurrence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurrence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

b. As two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.

c. The then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.

d. The entire trial is based on the FIR lodged by one Dilip Bhattacharjee. But he himself has declared in writing that he did not know who had committed the murder. He was not a witness to the incident. He had neither written the statement of the FIR nor did he himself submit the same to the concerned police station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam. He had put his signature on the same without going through it. Mr. Islam himself had also submitted it to the police station. The written declaration of Shri Bhattacharjee was enclosed marked Annex-A.

Witness No. 43 Itika Dutta of Suratmahal Lane of Town Hall Para of Burdwan had submitted in writing that during the incident on 17-03-1977 she was out of Burdwan. The Investigating Officer had manufactured a false statement under section 161 Cr.Pc. without meeting her.

The brother of two slain Sain brothers Bijoy Sain submitted in writing that along with two others he was confined to a room during the incident and so did not know what actually had happened.

Bijoy Sain, his sister Swarnalata Josh and brother-in-law Amalkanta Josh had in writing pleaded for withdrawal of the case in view of the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the town.

e. The Investigating Officer had recorded the statement of Swapan Mukherjee on 08-04-1970, Nurul Islam on 08-04-1970 and Bijoyesh Ganguly on 23-04-1970 as witnesses to the incident but surprisingly their names were not mentioned in the original FIR. Even they had not put their signature on the FIR as witnesses.

The Public Prosecutor submitted that on the basis of such weak documentary evidences and witnesses, it was not possible for him to continue the case against so many people. So, he wanted to withdraw the case.

In the meantime, Hon’ble Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee got transferred to the Calcutta High Court as its judge. So, the Additional Sessions Judge R.K. Kar examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds observed that:

a. There was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR.

b. He was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the charge sheet and that following the incident.

c. Leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses.

d. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses.

e. The manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done.

f. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission.

g. The investigation had not been impartial.

h. He would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.

i. The general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident.

j. Other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents.

k. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentioned that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

l. However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentioned that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

m. In sum, the judge considered the other grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the 83 accused persons were acquitted of the offences under Cr. PC section 321(b) passing the following order on 06-05-1978.

“CHARGES HAVING BEEN FRAMED AGAINST ACCUSED PERSONS OF THE INSTANT SESSION TRIAL CASE THEY ARE, THEREFORE, ACQUITTED OF THE OFFENCES UNDER SECTION 321 (b) CR.PC.”

If anyone goes minutely through the proceedings of the court, he will come across the following facts.

• The "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

• It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point.

• Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.

• How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"?

• And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"?

• And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgment of "conviction" if that never happened?

• These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

• That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records.

• Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court!

• The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts".

• It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

• As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.

In fact, the order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them.

So, the entire contention of the article written by D. Bandyopadhyay is concocted, manufactured and distorted. It is nothing but a fairy tale and nonsense. It is completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

The deranged writer D. Bandyopadhyay is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal.

Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her. He and other perverts are the “Think Tank” of Mamata Banerjee. It can be easily realized how they are going to destroy the future of West Bengal.

The perverted former bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is the most appropriate successor of “Goebles and Hitler”. If both of them were alive, they would have hung their heads in shame watching their successor surpassing their limits of distortion of facts and perversions. The use of most derogatory words such as “convict on parole”, “public menace”, "killer convicts” “black mamba” “Khokan Sen”, “District level operator” "nasty killer" etc. by this uncultured former bureaucrat speaks of his unsound mind and manner of his bringing up.

It is, therefore, expected that the Supreme Court of India takes drastic steps against the perverted Maoist intellectual D. Bandyopadhyay for distortion of court proceedings and against Joydeep Mukherjee for filing a false affidavit before the Apex Court.

As a matter of fact, the free roaming of these types of perverts and deranged intellectuals is not only dangerous for the society but also for the country.

A section of print media in West Bengal such as “The Statesman”, “Dainik Bartaman”, “Ananda Bazar Patrika”, “Dainik Pratidin”, Dainik Sangbad”, “Mainstream”, “Dainik Ekdin” “The Telegraph” have been emitting venom against the CPI (M), its leaders and the Left Front Government in West Bengal. These print media on the pay roll of finance capital and imperialists are bent upon maligning and weakening the working class and democratic movement in the country. A few perverted anti-national insane intellectuals use these media for suiting their political agenda. The former IAS bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is one of them.

“DAINIK EKDIN” TURNS INTO A POLITICAL TOOL AND CAMPAIGNER OF IMPERIALIST FUNDED RAINBOW ALLIANCE OF MAOIST-TMC-CONGRESS-SUCI UNDER MAMATA BANERJEE

A section of print media in West Bengal such as “The Statesman”, “Dainik Bartaman”, “Ananda Bazar Patrika”, “Dainik Pratidin”, Dainik Sangbad”, “Mainstream”, “Dainik Ekdin” “The Telegraph” have been emitting venom against the CPI (M), its leaders and the Left Front Government in West Bengal. These print media on the pay roll of finance capital and imperialists are bent upon maligning and weakening the working class and democratic movement in the country. A few perverted anti-national intellectuals use these media for suiting their political agenda.

The following article published in the “People’s Democracy” dated 10-01-2010 proves how the perverted , impotent, insane terrorist, fraud Maoist intellectual and former IAS bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay misuses the media to serve the finance capital and imperialists.

“D BANDYOPADHYAY, a former secretary of revenue and erstwhile secretary of rural development in the government of India, fills an entire article with slander in a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009. What is surprising is that there is total lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat, whose motive is clear - demonising serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI (M) in West Bengal. The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the Sainbari incident in March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.

A SPURIOUS PREMISE

The premise of Bandyopadhyay's article is that 17 of the miscreants who were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers - the author does not care to mention their names - Pronob and Moloy Sain - were named as "accused" and eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

Bandyopadhyay also asserts that the "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice. On both occasions their appeal was rejected." He then goes on to say that the convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means". Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sai murder case were released on "parole"". Bandyopadhyay's premise is that the "convicts" were released on "parole" by political means, after getting to "power". He then makes a further assertion that the "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court".

Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.

HOW THE PREMISE IS FALSE

A cursory look at the facts at hand would be enough to dismiss Bandyopadhyay's entire article as a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack whom he perceives as his political enemy (Bandyopadhyay's current political inclinations are well known - he is an advisor to the maverick and obstructionist Trinamul Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee).

Firstly, Bandyopadhyay gets it wrong about the procedural cases since the incident. As the case order of the "State v Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others" also known as the "Sainbari case" in the court of the 3rd Additional Sessions Judge (Shri R K Kar), Alipore points out clearly –

"On 17.3.70 at 12:30 PM, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya lodged an FIR at Burdwan Police Station...".

"On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 and took up investigation of the case. After completion of the investigation the police submitted a chargesheet against 111 persons on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 148, 149/302 and 149/436 I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan. "..

"the accd. persons made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town".

"The ld. Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accd. persons and so they moved the Hon'ble High Court. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74."

"Charges were framed against the accd. persons on 13.8.77 and on 20.9.77, the ld. Public Prosecutor filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accd. persons".

The order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them. But we are going ahead of the story. As the case records points out, the Bandyopadhyay claim that "eight" of the "17 accused" were convicted and "life imprisonment" was imposed upon them is a fairy tale. Whatever follows - that the "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author. It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point. Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.

How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"? And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"? And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgement of "conviction" if that never happened? These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records. Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court! The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts". It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years". As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.

So what essentially is the truth about the trials that followed the Sainbari murder incidents? We should again take recourse to the same "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." case order. Here is the timeline as events happened.

FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER

Following the transfer of the case to the Sessions court on 13.6.74, "Charges with Five Heads" were filed against 83 people, seven of whom are mentioned by Bandyopadhyay. The charges were that the 83 mentioned in the chargesheet were part of "about 1500" people engaging in "unlawful assembly" at Protapswar Sibtala, Burdwan and accused of participating in the murder of Malay Sain, his brother Pranab Sen and family tutor Jiten Roy, in rioting and looting and setting the house on fire etc.

The case order in "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." dismissed the charges. It heard out a statement by the Public Prosecutor who had filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court, on following grounds -

·The Public Prosecutor stated that he is convinced that there was an occurence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

·That, as two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.

·That, the then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.

The judge in his order, examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds.

Vis-a-vis the first ground, the judge observed that there was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR; that he was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the chargesheet and that following the incident, leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses, in the manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission that the investigation had not been impartial and that he would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.

Plus the general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident. The judge also referred to other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentions that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentions that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

In sum, the judge considered the other two grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the accused were acquitted of the offences under Cr.PC section 321(b). All these facts and details are available in the court order.

Coming back to Bandyopadhyay's article, it is clear that the article was written to throw mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records". In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image. What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence as well on this article. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.

That this deranged writer is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal. Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her.

By Sakshi Sen”

Source: pd.cpim.org

WHY PARLIAMENT MEMBER SOUGATA ROY SILENT ON MAOIST BRUTALITIES IN WEST BENGAL?

PERVERTED MAOIST-TMC BUTCHERS MURDERED BRUTALLY A DAILY WAGE EARNER BANESWAR MURMU, A TRIBAL, ON 09-09-2009 AT SARENGA IN BANKURA DISTRICT OF WEST BENGAL.

WHAT DO ARUNDHATI DEVI, MEDHA PATKAR, MAHASWETA DEVI AND OTHER INTELLECTUALS HAVING SOFT CORNER, COMPASSION, AFFECTION AND ADMIRATION FOR MAOISTS SAY?

INDIGENOUS PEOPLE REVOLT AGAINST PRO-MAOIST-NAXALITE MEDHA PATKAR IN CHATTISGARH

TIMES OF INDIA: 08-01-2010
Suchandana Gupta/TNN

Bhopal: Tribals angry with activists fighting for human rights of Naxalites, while ignoring poor adivasis – threw rotten eggs and tomatoes at Magsaysay award winner Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey as they reached Dantewada town in Chattisgarh on Wednesday.

While Patkar, being a woman, did not face much humiliation, her companion Pandey was pulled down from a motorcycle and given a hiding. He was pushed around and asked why activists had done nothing for the tribals, but found cause to support Maoists.

Patkar, who leads the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and Pandey, who founded Asha for education, were on their way to participate in a jan sunwai (people’s court) in the Naxalite-hit areas on Thursday.

Patkar and Pandey were on a bike when the tribals carrying banners of “Maa Danteswari Adivasi Swabhiman Manch” surrounded them asking them to go back.

Shouting slogans like “Wapas jao, wapas jao (Go back), the tribals said NGOs “support Maoists under the pretext of human rights”.

Police resorted to lathicharge to rescue Patkar and Pandey. Dantewada SP Ambreesh Mishra, however, said the two should have been more careful…………..

DISCRIMINATION ON THE PART OF MEDHA PATKAR

The following letter has been sent to the Hon’ble Chairperson, National Human Rights Commission, New Delhi by E-mail


07-01-2010

To
The Chairperson
National Human Rights Commission
New Delhi

SUB: NHRC SILENT OVER VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS BY THE MAOISTS WEST BENGAL

Most respected Sir,

As an ordinary humble citizen of the country, I would like to invite your immediate attention to the following fact.

The National Human Rights Commission was very much active during the episodes of Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman. But it is unfortunately maintaining complete silence over gruesome murders committed by the Maoists in West Bengal.

In this connection, it would not be out of place to mention that Arundhati Roy, Mahasweta Devi, Medha Patkar, actress Aparna Sen and other intellectuals and human right activists sharing same opinion and boat are very much apprehensive and worried for the safety and security of the Maoists in India, who have been carrying on their nefarious and criminal inhuman brutalities on the common people ranging from amassing huge wealth, destruction of natural resources, plunder, rape, murder, extortion, blowing up schools, health centres, railway tracks, torture and Kangaroo trial using the indigenous people as pawns and human shields. Out of her utter sympathy and compassion for the Maoist butchers, social activist Arundhati Roy has initiated a mass petition on 12th October 2009 to the Prime Minister of India urging him to stop offensive against them and their brutalities. She has obtained the signatures of respected Noam Chomsky and other renowned dignitaries within the country and abroad to make the petition more acceptable, significant and weighty in order to glorify and justify the Maoist cruelties and violence particularly on the indigenous people. If Arundhati Roy and other signatories were really interested for the well being of the indigenous people, they would have also petitioned openly to the perverted Maoist butchers in the same manner, style and spirit urging them to desist from wreaking havoc on the indigenous people by using them as pawn and shield for suiting the tainted Maoist political agenda. But it is not so. The one and only one aim and objective of the petition is to create sympathy for the Maoists and justify, glorify and legitimize their mindless brutalities.

The society demands timely disposal of the dead body of even a creature. But the entire world witnessed with horror how the dead bodies of 4 poor tribal CPI (M) cadres butchered by Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI Alliance were kept in open for 5 days without allowing disposal by the Maoist-TMC criminals at Lalgarh in West Bengal. Their relatives were neither allowed to come near nor touch the bodies. The Maoists and TMC workers danced and sang around the bodies in the same manner as is practiced by cannibals. Their brutality and inhumanity surpassed all limits of human tolerance and society.

These Indian intellectuals and human right activists had played an important role during Nandigram and Singur episodes to extend moral and logical support to the rainbow alliance of TMC, Congress, Maoists and SUCI under Mamata Banerjee. They had unleashed widespread virulent, venomous, exaggerated and politically motivated campaign throughout the world and organised processions, rallies, meetings, and mass signatures and so on against the mainstream Leftists over the unfortunate death of 14 persons in Nandigram resulting from provoked police firing where as they maintain complete silence over regular murders committed by the Maoists. Many of them had directly or indirectly worked actively for the victory of Maoist and Mamata Banerjee supported Congress-TMC-SUCI candidates in West Bengal in the last Parliamentary elections held in May 2009 making the Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman episodes as important election issues.

Despite this, these Indian intellectuals all along shamelessly pretend to be impartial, neutral and non-political.

More than 87% landowners had consented to offer their land for the establishment of an automobile factory at Singur. But it was abandoned due to the political agitation of Mamata Banerjee and her team consisting of opposition political parties, Maoists, some intellectuals, few human right activists and a section of motivated media. Singur had nothing to do with SEZ.

Similarly, in spite of repeated assurances by the Chief Minister of West Bengal that no chemical hub would be set up at Nandigram, Mamata Banerjee and her team had caused the unfortunate incident on 14th March 2007 by way of utter provocation and manipulation resulting in 14 unfortunate deaths.

Had these intellectuals been impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased the incidents of neither Singur nor Nandigram would have taken place.

The Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI butchers under the leadership of the Union Railway Minister have murdered brutally hundreds of CPI (M) and other Leftist leaders, cadres and supporters in West Bengal. They have blown up school buildings, health centres, mobile towers, railway lines, railways stations and what not. But these intellectuals and human right activists are maintaining complete silence. They think that only the Maoists are human beings. Except the Maoists, none in the country can have any human rights and the murder of hundreds of people by Maoists is, therefore, justified and a need for the society. So, they have not yet uttered even a single word to condemn the crimes of the Maoists.

Every murder is unfortunate and condemnable. Had this group of intellectuals and human right activists played an impartial role and stopped lending moral and logical support to the Maoist butchers, the unfortunate deaths at Nandigram and other parts of the country could have been avoided easily. But the fact was that Mamata Banerjee and her rainbow alliance needed some dead bodies for winning the parliamentary elections in West Bengal riding over sympathy wave and the intellectuals and human rights activists presented the same in time to suit her political agenda.

The National Human Rights Commission had taken Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman episodes very seriously and sent fact-finding teams to West Bengal. This action on the part of NHRC received wide coverage in the media at that time. But today it is also completely silent over the murders committed by the Maoists in West Bengal and other parts of the country. As a result, this has raised many a questions in the minds of the people.

LIST OF INNOCENT PEOPLE MURDERED BY MAOIST-TMC-CONGRESS-SUCI BUTCHERS AND RAPISTS IN WEST BENGAL FROM 01-12-2009 TO 04-01-2010 IS PLACED BELOW.

No. Name of the victim, Address of the victim, Date of murder

1 Ramjan Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 23-01-01
2 Tapan Ghosh, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 08-04-01
3 Shibaram Satpathi, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-04-01
4 Sudhir Singh Sardar, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 28-11-01
5 Anil Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 04-02-02
6 Rampada Majhi, Ranibandh, Bankura, 11-02-02
7 Puntibala Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
8 Icchhamati Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
9 Priyanka Mahato (4yrs), Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
10 Ajit Ghosh, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 09-07-02
11 Golap Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 24-04-03
12 Baridbaran Mondal, Banspahari, Medinipur (W) 21-10-03
13 Asit Santra, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 02-03-04
14 Mahendra Mahato, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-07-05
15 Raghunath Murmu, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
16 Bablu Mudi, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
17 Rabindranath Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
18 Anandamayi Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
19 Kartik Singh, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 04-03-06
20 Gatilal Tudu, Barikul, Bankura, 04-03-06
21 Gumai Murmu, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
22 Jaladhar Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
23 Rabi Das, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 14-06-06
24 Snehashis Das, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 26-05-06
25 Uttam Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
26 Swapan Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
27 Anil Mahato, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-06
28 Dinesh Baske, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-09
29 Pailaram Tudu, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 09-01-07
30 Rampada Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
31 Parikshit Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
32 Manik Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 27-05-07
33 Rohit Roy, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 10-07-07
34 Bhagirath Karmakar, Barabazar, Purulia, 01-11-07
35 Sufal Mandi, Purulia, Purulia, 20-11-07
36 Govind Singh, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 06-12-07
37 Sisir Chatterjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 01-01-08
38 Pahalan Kumar, Balarampur, Purulia, 01-01-08
39 Ramprasad Mondal, Chapra, Nadia, 02-01-08
40 Mangal Mahato, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 15-02-08
41 Karam Chand Singh, Belpahari, 22-02-08
42 Subhash Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 29-02-08
43 Budhadeb Pathak, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 09-03-08
44 Mukul Tiwari, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
45 Jugol Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
46 Nabakumar Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
47 Kshetrapal Majhi, Arsha, Purulia, 19-04-08
48 Sridam Das, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 22-04-08
49 Ganapati Bhadra, Bandowan, Purulia, 04-05-08
50 Debraj Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 05-05-08
51 Biswanath Mandi, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 15-06-08
52 Niranjan Mondal, Nandigram, Medinipur (E), 06-08-08
53 Dulal Garu Das, Garupara, Medinipur (E), 07-08-08
54 Firoj Mondal, Chakdah, Nadia, 01-09-08
55 Satyanarayan Ganguli, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 05-09-08
56 Sunil Halsana, Chakdah, Nadia, 16-09-08
57 Mansoor Alam, Goalpokhar, Dinajpur (N), 17-09-08
58 Nandalal Mistri, Rajnagar, Birbhum, 22-09-08
59 Amar Ghugu, Patrasayar, Bankura, 04-10-08
60 Prodyut Maiti (Naru), Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 10-10-08
61 Mahidul Seikh, Harirampur, Dinajpur (S), 14-10-08
62 Alauddin Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 20-10-08
63 Kutub Mondal, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-10-08
64 Satyajit Mondal, Karanjora, Bankura, 22-10-08
65 Debi Prasad Singh, Ausgram, Burdwan, 24-10-08
66 Shankar Rauth, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 27-10-08
67 Indrajit Muda, Banspahari, Midnapur (W), 31-10-08
68 Seikh Sanai, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 04-11-08
69 Mrinal Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
70 Namita Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
71 Mazid Seikh, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 12-11-08
72 Panu Bouri, Patrasayar, Bankura, 14-11-08
73 Sheetkantha Mondal, Kandi, Murshidabad, 21-11-08
74 Mostaque Ahmad, Bolepur, Birbhum, 21-11-08
75 Qurban Seikh, Mayureswar, Birbhum, 11-12-08
76 Gaja Mohammad, Islampur, Dinajpur (N), 13-12-08
77 Uttam Roy, Jangipara, Hooghly, 16-12-08
78 Arshad Ali, Dalkhola, Dinajpur (N), 23-12-08
79 Dilip Manna, Purshura, Hooghly, 23-12-08
80 Dasrathi Ghosh, Bhatar, Burdwan, 12-01-09
81 Shamsur Alam Mallick, Indas, Bankura, 16-01-09
82 Motibur Rahaman, Kushmundi, Dinajpur (S), 26-01-09
83 Sujit Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
84 Sambhu Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
85 Nandalal Pal, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 01-02-09
86 Haradhan Majhi, Balarampur, Purulia, 03-02-09
87 Biswanath Digar, Ranibandh, Bankura, 08-02-09
88 Sujit Ponda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-02-09
89 Nurul Islam Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 22-02-09
90 Jharna Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
91 Sumana Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
92 Tapas Mondal, Naihati, 24, Parganas (N), 03-03-09
93 Saiyad Ali Bhuiyan, Jaipur, Bankura, 11-03-09
94 Subol Kajli, Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 14-03-09
95 Subodh Barik, Mugberia, Midnapur (E), 15-03-09
96 Ansar Ali, Gangarampur, Dinajpur (S), 17-03-09
97 Himadri Patra, Boga, Midnapur (E), 17-03-09
98 Gopal Mondal, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 18-03-09
99 Soharab Ali Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 18-03-09
100 Durga Deshwal, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
101 Santosh Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
102 Bijay Shaw, Titagarh, 24, Parganas (N), 18-03-09
103 Kanai Kumar, Arsha, Purulia, 28-03-09
104 Ganesh Das, Bhagwanpur, Midnapur (E), 28-03-09
105 Ashim Mondal, Bahulabheda, Midnapur (W), 10-04-09
106 Hambir Mandi, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
107 Shakti Sen, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
108 Gopinath Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 22-04-09
109 Baikunth Mahato, Supurdihgram, Purulia, 23-04-09
110 Bibhuti Singh Sardar, SD Gram, Purulia , 23-04-09
111 Bhaben Dig, Haripal, Hooghly, 27-04-09
112 Manowar Hossain Jamadar, Amta, Howrah, 07-05-09
113 Kashinath Mondal, Jangipur, Murshidabad, 07-05-09
114 Chandu Dolui, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
115 Seikh Saidul, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
116 Seikh Babua, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
117 Seikh Aksar, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
118 Abdullah Khan, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
119 Mahiuddin Khan, Tamluk, Midnapur (E), 10-05-09
120 Joynal Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 13-05-09
121 Manu Singh, Bandowan, Purulia, 15-05-09
122 Momtaj Seikh, Raninagar, Murshidabad, 16-05-09
123 Arvind Mondal, Chari Antapur, Maldah, 17-05-09
124 Bibek Barman, Goksadanga, Coochbihar, 19-05-09
125 Kartik Mohaladar, Ratua, Maldah, 22-05-09
126 Dinesh Mahato, Balarmpur, Purulia, 23-05-09
127 Manoranjan Naskar, Bishnpur, 24, Pgs. (S), 23-05-09
128 Santosh Barman, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 25-05-09
129 Bhondulal Munda, Jhalda, Purulia,, 25-05-09
130 Apurba Ghosh, Krishnanagar, Nadia, 28-05-09
131 Nuruddin Seikh, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 31-05-09
132 Sayantika Rakhit, BN Nagar, Midnapur (E), 01-06-09
133 Khalek Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 02-06-09
134 Dinesh Deb Singh, GR Pur, Dinajpur (S), 06-06-09
135 Govind Samanta, Panshkura, Midnapur (E), 06-06-09
136 Mamoni Kishku, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 06-06-09
137 Kinkar Dolui, Panchla, Howrah, 08-06-09
138 Salku Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 11-06-09
139 Sitabur Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-06-09
140 Ikramul Haque, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 12-06-09
141 Shankar Tudu, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
142 Asit Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
143 Naru Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
144 Prabir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
145 Keshab Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
146 Dhiraj Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
147 Sanjay Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
148 Pabitra Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
149 Debabrata Soren, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
150 Mohan Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
151 Tuntuni Jana, Amedabad, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
152 Falguni Mukherjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 15-06-09
153 Sunil Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
154 Tapan Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
155 Sanjay Pratihar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
156 Niladri Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
157 Anil Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
158 Abhijit Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
159 Badal Chandra Ahir, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
160 Sisir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
161 Dubraj Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
162 Dasarath Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
163 Chaitnya Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
164 Keshav Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (W), 19-06-09
165 Siraj Khan, Itaru, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-06-09
166 Ajay Rauth, Haldia, Midnapur (E), 21-06-09
167 Budheswar Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
168 Pranesh Ghosh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
169 Naba Kumar Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
170 Kishore Tiwari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
171 Jugol Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
172 Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
173 Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
174 Pinki Khatun (8 yrs), Domkol, Murshidabad, 09-07-09
175 Barendranath Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W 10-07-09
176 Gurucharan Mahato, Lalgarh, West Dinajpur, 11-07-09
177 Abijit Mondal (11 years), Uluberia, Howrah, 13-07-09
178 Swapan Deb Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
179 Tarani Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
180 Gangadhar Mahato, Barabazar, Purulia, 15-07-09
181 Jaladhar Mahato, Jhargam, Purulia, 18-07-09
182 Ashok Ghosh, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-07-09
183 Fagu Baske, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 22-07-09
184 Arghya Samanta, Raina, Burdwan, 27-07-09
185 Ananda Das, Rajganj, Jalpaiguri, 28-07-09
186 Sagar Masant, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 30-07-09
187 Ashok Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
188 Brahmodeo Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
189 Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
190 Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
191 Nirmal Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 02-08-09
192 Gurucharan Tudu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 03-08-09
193 Shankar D. Adhikari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
194 Gunadhar Singh, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
195 Shaktipada Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
196 Ashim Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
197 Budhu Hansda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
198 Ramkrishna Duley, Sarenga, Bankura, 15-08-09
199 Madar Ali Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 17-08-09
200 Samrendranath Konai, Madgram, Birbhum, 18-08-09
201 Anirul Islam, Rajarhat, 24, Parganas (N), 23-08-09
202 Mangal Soren, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 29-08-09
203 Laxmikanta Kumar, Sindurpur, Purulia, 29-08-09
204 Madan Mondal, Garulia, North 24, Parganas, 29-08-09
205 Bharat Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 30-08-09
206 Sukhdeo Mahato, Bhramarmara, Midnapur (W), 31-08-09
207 Debi Prasad Hansda, Balarampur, Purulia, 31-08-09
208 Abu Ali Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
209 Hashem Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
210 Mirazul Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
211 Azmat Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
212 Ketabul Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 04-09-09
213 Apu Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
214 Rajib Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
215 Satish Singh Sardar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
216 Sasanka Sekhar Roy, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
217 Shyam Chalak, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 07-09-09
218 Ramdas Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
219 Baneswar Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
220 Abhiram Das, Nanur, Birbhum, 08-09-09
221 Krishna Kundu, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-09-09
222 Bakul Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-09-09
223 Ramen Ghosh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 12-09-09
224 Seikh Nazrul, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
225 Kartik Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
226 Sambhu Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
227 Ajoy Patra, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 16-09-09
228 Dilip Dhara, Jadavpur, Kolkata, 17-09-09
229 Zikaria Seikh, Baryan, Murshidabad, 20-09-09
230 Manik Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
231 Budheswar Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
232 Bagan Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
233 Nimai Bisui, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 24-09-09
234 Samir Singha Mahapatra, Medinipur (W), 24-09-09
235 Rafique Molla, Patharpratima, 24, Parganas (S), 25-09-09
236 Susanta Dhara, Ausgram, Burdwan, 27-09-09
237 Radhanath Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
238 Anadi Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
239 Bhakti Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
240 Barun Pratihar, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 01-10-09
241 Amalendu Patra, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 02-10-09
242 Panchanan Tudu, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 02-10-09
243 Lakhman Sarkar, Ausgram, Burdwan, 05-10-09
244 Sasadhar Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 08-10-09
245 Seikh Hashibul, Khanakul, Hooghly, 09-10-09
246 Kanai Murmu, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 13-10-09
247 Mantu Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
248 Ratan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
249 Shital Hembram, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 19-10-09
250 Dibakar Bhattacharjee, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
251 Swapan Roy, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
252 Basanta Pakhira, Khanakul, Hooghly, 24-10-09
253 Pratap Nayek, Binpur, W. Medinipur, 26-10-09
254 Jayfal Mondal, Suti, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
255 Dhajen Mondal, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
256 Tapan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 29-10-09
257 Dilip Mahato, Belpahari, W Midnapur, 29-10-09
258 Tushar Ghosh, Bongaon, N. 24 Parganas, 31-10-09
259 Madhab Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-10-09
260 Anil Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 01-11-09
261 Saifunissa Bibi, Khanakul, Hooghly, 04-11-09
262 Joyram Hansda, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
263 Manoranjan Mahali, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
264 Lakshmi Das, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
265 Naba Kumar Singh, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
266 Naresh Thapa, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
267 Binod Tamang, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
268 Bhaktabahadur Limbu, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
269 Dhanbahadur Viswakarma, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
270 Ishaq Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 11-11-2009
271 Sashticharan Dutta, Belpahari, W. Midnapore, 15-11-2009
272 Ajit Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
273 Khudiram Mudi, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
274 Totan Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
275 Samiran Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
276 Jaganath Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
277 Bhanguram Hansda, Kotwali, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
278 Tapan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
279 Ashok Kotal, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
280 Madan Ghosh, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 24-11-2009
281 Subimal Mali, Arsha, Purulia, 26-11-2009
282 Srikanta Banerjee, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
283 Alok Mondal, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
284 Karuna Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
285 Braja Bikash Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
286 Bomkesh Giri, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
287 Rassel Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 28-11-2009
288 Dhanapati Murmu, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 28-11-2009
289 Manowara Bibi, Bishnpur, 24, Parganas (S), 02-12-09
290 Animesh Mitra, Bongaon, 24, Parganas (N), 02-12-09
291 Nimai Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
292 Koni Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
293 Ramchandra Lay, Arsha, Purulia, 04-12-09
294 Bholanath Khutia, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
295 Gurupada Mondal, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
296 Sanatan Pratihar, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 06-12-2009
297 Subol Mahato, Belpahari, West Midnapur, 08-12-2009
298 Asit Mondal, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-12-2009
299 Brahspati Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
300 Manik Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
301 Bijoy Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
302 Robi Mahato, Shalboni, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
303 Panchanan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
304 Tilak Tudu, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
305 Dinabandhu Soren, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 12-12-09
306 Akshay Mondqal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 17-12-09
307 Anil Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
308 Dayal Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
309 Amal Patra, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
310 Shridam Hembram, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
311 Nishikanta Bera, Midnapur Sadar, E. Midnapur, 18-12-09
312 Sisir Jana, Dharampur, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
313 Gopal Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
314 Khagen Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
315 Mossaraf Khan. Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 20-12-09
316 Sadhan Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 22-12-09
317 Jiarul Haque Molla, Bhangad, 24, Pgs (S), 22-12-09
318 Sadek Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
319 Sariful Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
320 Prabir Dandapat, Gopiballavpur, W. Midnapur, 23-12-0
321 Hablu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
322 Sadhan Mahato, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
323 Biswanath Murmu, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 24-12-09
324 Rameswar Murmu, Ranibandh, Bankura, 26-12-09
325 Abdul Hai, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 28-12-09
326 Kalipada Hembram, Ranibandh, Bankura, 30-12-09
327 Anand Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
328 Kunaram Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
329 Bhagbat Singh, Nayagram, W. Midnapur, 01-01-10
330 Rabindra Mondal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 01-01-10
331 Anath Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
332 Hiteswar Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
333 Jhantu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
334 Hekim Munda, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
335 Bapi Bakli, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
336 Panchanan Mondal, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 04-01-10

Most of the Maoist victims are teachers, grocers, daily wage earners, farmers, labourers, students, rickshaw pullers, hawkers and people belonging to other weaker sections of the society.

Apart from this, 41 police personnel 1 doctor, 1 nurse, 4 government employees on duty were also killed by Maoists. Shankar Samanta and many others murdered at Nandigram and Khejuri by them are not mentioned in the above list.

Under the circumstances, I would request you to kindly look into the matter seriously and ensure that this procession of death is stopped immediately in the interest of human rights of all irrespective of political affiliation, caste, creed and religion.

Thanking you while awaiting prompt action.

Again with regards,

Yours faithfully,
Gouranga Chatterjee


Copy forwarded to most respected Noam Chomsky for information.

INHUMAN BRUTALITIES OF MAOISTS IN WEST BENGAL

While the recent incident in which Naxals in Jharkhand beheaded a police inspector, Francis Induwar, has triggered a nationwide outrage, brutality is the order of the day in Lalgarh where Maoists have ruthlessly killed their rivals over the past few months. A school teacher was recently shot dead in front of children and in another incident, the body of a person killed by Maoists was put for public display for six days.

Death of a teacherOn September 14, Maoists entered Jamda High School around 11.15 am. Classes were on and Kartyk Mahato (38), a para-teacher, was standing near the school building. Outside, mid-day meal was being cooked. Kartyk was the only teacher present at that time. As five Maoists opened fire at him, an injured Kartyk limped his way inside the classroom and hid behind the benches. Soon, Maoists followed him into the classroom, asking the screaming children to vacate the school. Kartyk was then dragged outside and shot a number of times in full view of the schoolchildren. His fault: he was a CPM supporter.

“I saw Sir hiding under the benches with blood oozing out of his leg. They asked us to leave the school and we ran out. Then I heard the gunshots,” said a shaken Chandra Mahato, a class IV student.

Killings at marketSeptember 12: In Guripal village, Maoist squads shot dead two villagers in broad daylight in the local market when they were having tea in a stall. Sambhu was the CPM branch committee secretary of Buripal in Salboni. The armed Maoist squads came on motorbikes in the village market and shot the duo from close range at around 10 am. They roamed in the market for over half an hour as the bodies lay in a pool of blood, warning everybody to follow their diktat.

Kangaroo justice On July 10, around 50 armed CPI (Maoist) cadres, including seven women, held a kangaroo court in the Sirsha village, 25 km from Lalgarh, to “try” twelve villagers, most of them CPM supporters. Two of them — local CPM leader Gurucharan Mahato and Baren Mahato, a CPM supporter and ration dealer — were sentenced to death. The rest were beaten up and forced to quit the party. Gurucharan and Baren were shot dead in public. “They dragged my father out of home and then killed him. Later, I could not even cremate him in my native village. Instead, we performed his last rites in Midnapore town,” said Gurucharan’s son Himansu.

Gore in murderOn July 11, mutilated bodies of Tarini Deb Singha and Swapan Deb Singha were found near a ditch in Madhupur near Lalgarh. Tarini was shot in the eye and had multiple stab injuries. His hand and legs were tied. Swapan Deb’s throat, veins in arms and legs were slit. He was also shot from a 9 mm pistol in the head. According to police, both were CPM supporters and residents of Madhupur. Armed Maoist squads raided their homes at night and called them out. They were beaten up and dragged to the local ditch and murdered. Interestingly, Maoist squads did not allow the body to be brought back to their native village after it was taken away for postmortem by police. The last rites of the bodies were performed in Midnapore town.

Body on displayThe body of CPM member Saflu Soren (65) lay near his party office for six days after he was murdered by Maoists on June 12 after being dragged out of his home in Dharampur. His body was kept near the branch committee office in Dharampur on a van rickshaw and Maoists did not allow anyone from the village to cremate it. The decomposed body was later recovered by the police.

INDIAN MAOISTS BLOW UP SCHOOLS AND HEALTH CENTRES IN THE NAME OF REVOLUTION

The Indian Maoists, however, reject the very idea of development and consider any development work a hindrance to their “revolution”. They oppose the laying of rail tracks, construction of bridges and establishment of power projects while blowing up schools and public health centres. Whose interest are they protecting by these acts? The entire stratagem of the Maoists is to use the intense poverty of the tribal population to draw recruits for their armed squads, not to demand development work which helps the tribals and the poor. They have reduced the complex relationship between development, or the lack of it, and forms of struggle to the straitjacket of “guerrilla warfare”.

Writing more than a century ago on forms of struggle in general and guerrilla warfare in particular, Lenin wrote:

Marxism differs from all primitive forms of socialism by not binding the movement to any one particular form of struggle. It recognizes the most varied forms of struggle; and it does not “concoct” them, but only generalises, organises, gives conscious expression to those forms of struggle of the revolutionary classes which arise of their own experience…

Marxism, therefore, does not reject any particular form of struggle… Marxism learns, if we may so express it, from mass practice, and makes no claim, whatsoever, to teach the masses forms of struggle invented by “systematisers in the seclusion of their studies”.

Lenin continued, Depending on differences in political, national- cultural, living and other conditions, different forms of struggle come to the fore and become the principal forms of struggle; and in connection with this, the secondary, auxiliary forms of struggle undergo change in their turn. To attempt to answer yes or no to the question whether any particular means of struggle should be used, without making a detailed examination of the concrete situation of the given movement at the given stage of its development, means completely to abandon the Marxist position (Lenin, Collected Works, Vol 11, pp 213-14).

However, in this age of AK-47, who listens to Lenin? Class Enemies? Even in their armed struggle, who are the “class enemies” the Maoists attack and kill? Of the over 100 CPI (M) activists they have killed in these three districts just in the past few years, at least 60 were either agricultural labourers or poor peasants. Maoists justify such brutality by calling their victims either “agents of the police” or “exploiters”. What remains unsaid is that the Maoists have devolved to themselves the role of prosecutor, judge and executor as if they have been conferred some divine right to kill anyone they want.

Numerous examples of the Maoists’ mindless barbarism are available. In an early incident in Shalboni, Maoists went to kill Vagyadhar Mahato, a CPI (M) activist.

Not finding their victim, they killed his mother Puntibala Mahato, his neighbour Ichamati Mahato and her four-year old daughter Priyanka. On 31 December 2005, CPI (M) Purulia district secretariat member Rabindranath Kar and his wife were burnt to death inside their house.

In Shalboni, a teacher Anil Mahato was killed in the school in front of his students as was Karamchand Singh some time later.

More recently, Avijit Mahato, a college student was killed while on his way to an examination. Three poor villagers of Shalboni who were working in a project under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), were abducted and killed. Those who needed work in NREGA turned out to be critical “class enemies” of the Maoists! A medical van has been ambushed in Shalboni, killing a doctor and two nurses. In a horrific case, in June 2009, the bodies of Salku Soren, Naru Samanta, and Prabir Mahato were left in public to decompose and their family members were not allowed to even touch, let alone cremate, them.

Relations with Trinamool. What is shocking is the deliberate and conscious cooperation between the Maoists and the TMC. By now there is enough direct and circumstantial evidence to establish the contours of such a partnership. The Maoists have, in fact, evolved a theoretical perspective for this. In a December 2008 document, titled “Some Important Problems in Our Work and Their Solutions”, the Maoists asserted that the CPI (M) is a “social fascist force” and argued for organizing an “anti-fascist united front” with other ruling class parties, particularly the TMC, against them. This document says that TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee should be supported and Maoist cadres should work closely with her. Another Maoist document claims that TMC leaders “fought the war” in Nandigram in close cooperation with them.

Even during the ongoing security operation in Lalgarh, Maoist leader M Koteswar Rao, alias “Kishenji”, has categorically stated in media interviews that Maoists helped the TMC in Nandigram and they want Mamata Banerjee to reciprocate by helping stop central security forces from entering Lalgarh. In a significant interview the Bengali daily, Anandabazar Patrika on 4 October 2009, Kishenji said that they want Mamata Banerjee to be the next chief minister of West Bengal. According to his fanciful analysis, though the TMC has the same class character as the Congress, Mamata Banerjee, by the sheer force of her personality can override this barrier and can initiate radical reforms!

Mamata Banerjee has reciprocated by demanding withdrawal of central paramilitary forces from West Midnapore and speaking in a manner which legitimises the brutality of the Maoists.

The complicity of the Maoists and TMC is clear even in the “Peoples’ Committee to Resist Police Atrocities” which was formed in Lalgarh after the failed assassination attempt on the chief minister last year. As late as February this year, Mamata Banerjee was sharing a platform with Chatradhar Mahato, president of this “Peoples’ Committee”, while CPI (M) cadres were being systematically killed and forced to leave their homes and party offices were being burnt and looted. Despite the very restrained response from the state government the Maoists escalated the bloodshed in a clear attempt to get a response from the police. It appears quite clear that the Maoists planned the (failed) assassination of the chief minister and the killing of CPI (M) activists on a mass scale to force the police to take armed action and the TMC played its role by opposing any intervention by security forces.

Chatradhar Mahato’s recent arrest and subsequent interrogation have only exposed many of these linkages and facts. First, Chatradhar Mahato revealed that top Maoists were instrumental in forming the “Peoples’ Committee” to cordon off an area from the police and the administration.

Following the Maoists’ dictums, the committee expanded its work from digging roads to attacking CPI (M) cadre. It is apparent that the Lalgarh agitation was not much of a spontaneous outburst of tribals, as it was depicted in a section of the media, but rather, was a well-planned disturbance to help the Maoists consolidate their base.

Second, the committee acted as a convenient platform for the Maoists and TMC to work together. In almost every village where a “branch” of the committee was formed, both the active members of the Maoists and TMC worked in unison, providing support and shelter to armed Maoists.

Third, according to reports in the Kolkata media, Chatradhar Mahato has confessed to huge amounts of money being collected by the committee as “ donations” and “levies” during the last 10 months. While no clear estimate is yet available, these collections allowed Chatradhar Mahato to take out a life insurance policy of Rs one crore for himself. Agents of the Ruling Class The left movement in the country, even in its most advanced outpost in West Bengal, has many weaknesses and deficiencies. Despite that, the CPI (M) remains the leading contingent of anti-imperialism in India.

The attack on the party by the ruling classes, their parties, bureaucrats and media, was clearly evident on the question of US-India nuclear agreement. Further, the CPI (M) and left parties have been the most consistent and unwavering opponents of the neoliberal economic policies from the very outset. Finally, the role of the CPI (M) and the Left has been central in the fight against communal forces. It goes without saying that, despite its weaknesses and shortcomings, in every fight against reaction and in every progressive struggle the left remains indispensable. Therefore it is ferociously targeted by the ruling class and its corporate media, while every setback it suffers is cheered by them.

By targeting CPI (M) and the Left in West Bengal, the Maoists have consciously sided with these very forces. It is no coincidence that they enjoy, not only the enthusiastic company of the parties like TMC but also bonhomie with the anti-Left mainstream media in the state which glorifies them and regularly legitimises their acts of brutality and wanton destruction.

In the 1970s, a term was popular in West Bengal: “Congxal”. It was used to identify Naxalite-turned-Congress hoodlums. Initially, they attacked CPI (M) activists, particularly in and around Kolkata, in the name of “revolution”. After the rigged assembly elections in 1972, a large number of them became Youth Congress activists and started a second phase of murderous assault against the Left. Their political affiliation changed from extreme left to right reaction, but their target remained the same – the poor cadre of the CPI (M). More than 1,100 CPI (M) activists were killed and more than 20,000 were forced to leave their homes during this semi-fascist terror period of 1971-77. The infamous Siddhartha Shankar Ray regime in West Bengal adopted a two-pronged strategy: on the one hand, a section of the Naxalite activists were brutally killed by the police and Congress workers, while on the other, another section of the Naxalites and Congress workers, or “Congxals”, was used as murder gangs against the CPI (M).

History does not repeat itself, and many in the Naxalite stream are severe critics of the present day Maoists too. However, history cannot be altogether forgotten either, especially when a similar political alliance between right reaction and the Maoists is again playing havoc in West Bengal in a cynical attempt to dislodge the Left Front government. It will be a shame if progressive sections of India’s polity and intellectuals provide legitimacy to such murderous and destructive politics in the name of exposing the shortcomings of the Left.

Source: Economic & Political Weekly (NOVEMBER 14, 2009 vol xliv no 46)

MAOISTS IN WEST BENGAL: TERROR AND POLITICAL DEGENERATION By Debasish Chakraborty

There is a clear alliance between the party of right reaction in West Bengal, the Trinamool Congress, and the Maoists as they try out a cynical strategy of violence to defeat the state’s Left Front government. By attacking the most organised and strong contingent of the anti-imperialist and left forces in the country, the Maoists are playing the role of being agents of the ruling classes. It is unfortunate that sections of the country’s progressive polity and intellectuals have ended up supporting such dangerous politics.

The Maoist assault in the three western districts of West Bengal – West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia – started years before the Lalgarh incidents crystallised, even much before the events in Nandigram. From 2001 onwards the Maoists (the Peoples’ War and Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) earlier and from 2004 their joint party) have attacked and killed members of the organised left forces in Bengal. More than 100 CPI (M) workers had already been killed and hundreds forced to leave their homes in these districts when the Maoists, in November 2008, escalated violence to a different level by trying to kill the West Bengal chief minister with a landmine blast in Shalboni.

It is not possible to understand what is happening in these areas, unless one places it in the larger context of Maoist politics and strategy, and the specificity of West Bengal. The CPI (M) has a strong political base in these districts based on extensive mass support built through long and arduous struggles on issues of land and livelihood and to break the old exploitative structures.

After 1977, when the Left Front came to power, significant changes have taken place in the economic life of hundreds of thousands of people in these areas while panchayats have empowered them. This has been the reason people here have supported the Left Front, even in the recent parliamentary elections.

Given the CPI (M)’s popularity based on these achievements, opposition parties found the armed attacks by the Maoists useful in breaking the CPI (M)’s hold and have encouraged Maoist violence. The details of political geography are important here. Despite large areas of influence, the CPI (M) has been weak in certain pockets, particularly Lalgarh and Binpur blocks in West Midnapore. Factions of the Jharkhand Party controlled these panchayats and even won a few assembly seats with support from the Congress or the Trinamool Congress (TMC). The Maoists chose these very areas as their primary base. It was the Jharkhand Party at first, and now the TMC which has actively facilitated the entry of the Maoists.

Interestingly, many of the areas identified as most backward in these districts were run by the Jharkhand Party-led panchayats and they lagged far behind neighbouring villages in implementing developmental projects. For the last six to seven years, it is the Maoists who have aggressively opposed development works in these areas, further adding to the peoples’ woes.

Lack of Development? Of late, it has become fashionable to attribute underdevelopment as the prime reason and justification for Maoist mayhem in these districts. While underdevelopment is a reality, it should be remembered that West Bengal has the best record of land reforms in the country. Up to 2008, close to 30 lakh landless have been given land rights on 10.36 lakh acres of land. In addition, more than 15 lakhs have been recorded as sharecroppers. Among those who got land rights, 5.36 lakhs are tribals while 11.05 lakhs are scheduled castes. Similarly, among recorded sharecroppers 1.64 lakhs are tribals.

This remains unparalleled in the country. West Bengal is the leading state in awarding forest rights under the newly enacted law, though much before it was enacted at the centre, tribals in West Bengal have been given wide-ranging rights over forest areas.

In spite of remarkable achievements in these and some other sectors, poverty still persists. The Left Front government in West Bengal could, perhaps, have done better but it must be realised that it was working within the parameters drawn by the neoliberal policies of the Indian state which have further increased inequality all over the country. In a capitalist society like ours, development processes have an inherent class content, yet while fighting for a larger radical transformation of the socio- economic structure, we cannot forsake the struggles for immediate relief and near-term development goals. The Left Front in West Bengal has been trying, with a mixture of success and failure, to do exactly that within the given limitations.

Source: Economic & Political Weekly

MAMATA BANERJEE WITH THE HELP OF MAOISTS TERRORISTS DROVE AWAY NANO FACTORY FROM WEST BENGAL TO GUJARAT TO SATISFY NARENDRA MODI

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) had engineered the violence and subsequent exit of the Tata Nano plant from Singur, West Bengal, less than two years ago. Now, the banned outfit has openly claimed credit for what it calls a success of the “revolutionary people’s agitation”.

The Maoists have made this claim in pamphlets issued by the CPI (Maoists), Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, Maharashtra division, on December 14. Hindustan Times has a copy of the literature, printed in Hindi and distributed in Gadchiroli district.

The two-page pamphlet, which is like a mass appeal, puts the success at Singur in the same bracket as agitations in Nandigram and Lalgarh in West Bengal and other parts of the country like Orissa, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. “These were the places where the exploited masses put up valiant protests,” the pamphlet said. It said that these agitations had sent industrial groups, wishing to set up plants in these areas, packing and prevented mass forcible evictions.

This self-congratulatory communication has strengthened allegations that Union Railway Minister and Trinamool Congress leader Mamta Banerjee had planned the violent agitations in Singur in August 2008 with help from the Maoists. The Trinamool Congress has, so far, denied this.

The literature ridicules Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s statement that Naxalism is the greatest threat to the country’s internal security. It also lists several ‘developmental’ plans undertaken by Maoists in the areas under their control and highlights the failure of the government machinery in these areas.

The timing of this communication has led security analysts to believe that it could be an emotional appeal by the Maoists’ Central Committee to keep its flock of sympathisers intact before the launch of Operation Green Hunt against the insurgents. The Maoists, analysts suspect, have probably begun preparing for retaliation. “This propaganda could well be a part of that,” said an analyst who has been watching the Naxalite movement closely.

The Maoists have also appealed to policemen, paramilitary forces and the Army to refuse postings in areas under Maoist control and defy commands for operation against Naxalites.

MAOISTS TARGETTING CPI (M)

The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement on December 29, 2009.

THE Polit Bureau of the CPI (M) severely condemns the brutal killing of two CPI (M) activists in Komanapalli village in Bhadrachalam district of Andhra Pradesh by a Maoist gang.

The sarpanch of the village, Kaviti Rajulu and his father were dragged out from their house by the Maoist gang and savagely murdered.

The Maoists are targetting the CPI (M) wherever they are working in the tribal areas and amongst the rural poor. Apart from the killing spree in West Midnapur and adjoining districts in West Bengal, the Maoists in the recent months have killed a CPI (M) worker in Kanker district in Chattisgarh and attacked a Party office in Sundargarh district in Orissa.

These violent and murderous activities of the Maoists exposes their true nature. They help the reactionary forces and the ruling classes by targetting the cadres and workers of the CPI (M) belonging to the oppressed classes ho have been organising the people.

The CPI (M) will resolutely fight the Maoists and counter their disruptive activities. The Polit Bureau calls upon the police and the administration in Andhra Pradesh to track down the culprits responsible for the murders in Bhadrachalam district.

CPI (M) ON TERROR

People's Democracy
(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Vol. XXXIII
No. 50
December 13, 2009

YECHURY SPEECH IN RAJYA SABHA

'Neither Communalise nor Politicise the Fight against Terror'

Below we give excerpts of the speech delivered by CPI(M) leader in Rajya Sabha Sitaram Yechury while participating in the debate on Internal Security in the House on December 2, 2009.

ON the issue of terrorism, to my mind, I record the powerful words of Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore when he returned his Knighthood after the Jalianwala massacre. He had said these words, which I think, are the powerful expressions of our anger and anguish at this menace of terrorism. Rabindranath Tagore said, "Give me a voice of thunder, That I may hurl implications upon this cannibal, Whose gruesome hunger, Spares neither the mother nor the child." It is this menace of terrorism which is anti-national, anti-human which neither spares the mother nor the child and is something for which, at least, I and my Party have zero tolerance. Therefore, there can be no compromise in the fight against terrorism and the struggle against terrorism is non-negotiable. Having said this, we have to recognise the Indian reality also where terrorism cannot be categorised into any compartment. Neither is it something that has some boundaries nor some religious delineation. We have in our country lost Mahatma to the bullets of a religious fanatic; we have lost a sitting prime minister to the bullets of a Sikh fanatic; we have lost a former prime minister, who was contesting those elections, to the bullets of the LTTE assassins. We are losing today everyday hundreds of people in the North-East because of various insurgent groups that are operating. We have had a situation in our country where we have to combat terrorism of fundamentalists of all sorts of religious hues. You also have Hindutva terror that has to be combated.

You have this situation in the country and, therefore, we cannot label terrorism as belonging to any one particular religion, to one particular group or to one particular region. Any attempt to communalise or politicalise the fight against terrorism will only undermine our resolve to get rid of this menace. While we have to tackle cross-border terrorism, we have to tackle internal factors that give rise to terrorism and we have to tackle also the conditions that give rise to another variety of terrorism. The prime minister has said that the single largest menace to India's internal security is the 'Maoist' violence. Now, if this has to be tackled, there are two premises that, I think, all of us must unequivocally accept. The first is to create an atmosphere that does not breed the growth of such terrorism. You cannot have a situation like you had during the anti-Sikh riots; you cannot have a situation like you have during anti-Muslim progroms; you cannot have situations like you have during anti- Christian attacks and the more you have such situations, the more we are feeding these terrorists' activities to grow. Now, that is something that all of us should, if we are serious about our fight against terrorism, resolve to abjure. Otherwise, terrorism in our country with such diversity cannot be gotten rid of.

BREEDING GROUND FOR TERROR

The second important thing is the question of growing economic inequalities. Yes, that is a breeding ground for terror. Today there are two Indias that are in the making. We have the largest number of billionaires in Asia on the one hand; people spending Rs 4000 crore to build private houses and you have 77 per cent of India that barely lives on Rs 20 a day. If this sort of economic inequality is widened, which is indeed happening, then you are laying a fertile basis for the growth of such activities like terrorism which we cannot afford. So, inclusive growth is a necessity for us if you want to combat terrorism. So, create an atmosphere that does not divide our people in the name of religion or in the name of anything else and create an atmosphere that includes everybody in the growth process. These are two conditions that we must fulfil if we want to combat terrorism and if we want to re-underline our resolve to combat terrorism.

Then we would like to add the third element where the State will also have to show a certain degree of vigilance so that State persecution does not lead to people being thrown into the arms of terrorists. You have seen such encounter deaths earlier. You have seen the Sohrabuddin case, you have seen the Ishrat Jahan case, and, you have seen all the instances where you are pushing certain people to resort to these sorts of methods out of frustration. That also cannot be allowed.

Therefore, the issue of maintaining a direction, which does not divide our people on communal, religious, castiest, or, whatever grounds; the issue of having 'inclusive growth', including all people in the development process, and, the issue of State taking necessary measures not to push people through persecution into this path, are three issues that need to be underlined. Once we recognise this, we come to the question where all of us have paid our homage to those who lost their lives in the terrorist attacks, more particularly, on the anniversary of the attacks of 26/11, and, people who are losing their lives because of such activities of such groups everywhere else. After 26/11, we have enacted two new laws in this very House, and these two new laws were to strengthen the arms of the State in order to pursue terrorists after the terrorist activity has taken place. At that time, we were promised a relook at these Acts with regard to the federal issue connected with the centre-state relations. That has not happened. I wish that the government will adhere to its promise and come back on those issues with its experience of the last one year.

The point that I wish to raise here is that these laws have been brought into place to tackle the terrorist after the terrorist attacks. What we are interested in is tackling it before terrorist attacks and prevent the terrorist activities from taking place. There is a lot that was discussed but very little has been done. What is the degree of coordination that has been there since 26/11 amongst various arms of the State intelligence? You have the central intelligence, you have the state intelligence, you have the military intelligence; what is the coordination amongst them that is taking place You have various patrols. We have discussed a lot about the coastal patrol and the inadequacies of it. That is an issue on which nothing substantial has happened. You still have an awful situation. I say it 'awful' because your police today acts under the antiquated Police Act of 1861, which was brought into force in order to tackle the 'natives', as the British called us. But you do not have any further modern law.

The United Nations stipulates that for one lakh population, at least 222 police personnel should be there. In our country, the sanctioned strength is 145 policemen per lakh and the actual strength is 117 policemen per lakh. Unless you take measures in all these areas, the entire question of resolve against terrorism cannot be implemented in practice.

'MAOIST' VIOLENCE

Much discussion has taken place on the question of growing 'Maoists' violence. I wish to quote a few sentences from the speech of the prime minister made at the chief ministers' conference on internal security held in August this year. He said, "Left wing extremism is a serious challenge. I would like to emphasise the growing intensity of the problem. There have been heavy casualties inflicted recently on security forces by Naxalite groups. There are also indications of yet more offensive action by these groups. The problem of Left wing extremism is indeed a complex one. There is a need for a balanced and nuanced strategy to deal with it. On the one hand, the State should discharge its responsibilities and obligations and re-establish the rule of law in areas dominated by the Naxalites. At the same time, we should work towards removing the causes which lead to alienation of people and problems like Naxalism." The prime minister has outlined a dual approach. The law and order issue and tackling the problems that give rise to such manifestations like Naxalism, and, in his own speech, he appends it with statistics. The prime minister has informed the country that in the calendar year, 2009, and, as per data available till November 16, out of a total of 1979 lives lost in the country, 873 have been due to 'Maoist' violence.

That means an overwhelming majority of the people lost their lives because of 'Maoist' violence. In fact, if you look at all the categories and data that he has given, this is the single most danger to our internal security. Now, once this is accepted, what the prime minister has said, then, the resolve in the country should be to unitedly face this menace. Instead if you try to politicise it, like you try to politicise any other issue of terrorist attack, then, I think, we will only be cutting the branch on which we are sitting. Now, this morning a school teacher belonging to our Party has been butchered in front of his class, in front of the students by the Maoists. We have lost 130 of our cadre in these attacks by the 'Maoists' since the general elections have been over. Therefore, it is with full pain and anguish I am speaking.

Often, charges have been made that the 'Maoists' and the CPI(M) are cousins and that we have woken up belatedly now to 'Maoists' violence. I think people should recollect the history.

In 1967 the word 'Naxalite' came from a village called Naxalbari in Bengal which is still there. An armed uprising in Naxalbari took place in 1967 led by a band of people who left our Party, CPI(M), and later formed CPI(ML). They deserted us and took a different line arguing against us saying that we are legitimising bourgeois democracy. While we were brining Left into democratic mainstream, those who wanted to keep the Left out of democratic mainstream in the trap of anarchy and violence, and while we were strengthening democratic process, they were disrupting that. And, because we were 'legitimising' so-called bourgeois democracy, we were the principal targets of these Naxalites since then. We have lost thousands of our comrades in the attacks by them. There is no other political party that has lost more people to the Naxalite attacks than our Party, and that is all across the country not only in Bengal. In Andhra Pradesh, there was a literal three-way split in the Communist movement. So, our antagonism with the Naxalites or who are today 'Maoists' stands from this very basis of their formation in the 1960s which we believe was on the basis of an erroneous ideological understanding. And, this ideological combating we have been doing, and we will continue to do. We have suffered the most, and, therefore, to now brand us as some sort of a cousin who have woken up late is actually a travesty of history, as also a travesty of the truth.

IMPORTED INTO BENGAL

Then, today the main point that we have to understand is how after 32 years have the Naxals re-entered Bengal. I heard our friend, Keshava Rao, talking about actual problems of the land, problems of people etc. He confessed and I am grateful to him for having confessed that though the Congress raised the slogan of land reforms, they never implemented it and that is why Naxalism has grown. He has actually admitted it on record. I am grateful on that point. The only state in the country where land reforms have been implemented to the maximum extent possible is West Bengal. And that is the important point to note. It is not that they have come into Bengal because of the objective conditions there. They have been brought and imported into Bengal. They have been imported into Bengal and I will tell you how.

They have been imported into Bengal by an ally of yours today in your government. That is a fact. Here is a statement given by the head of the Maoists' Nandigram zonal committee. He is telling the leader of the Trinamul Congress. I quote, "You had said at a rally at Sonachura recently that it was the CPI(M) who brought us to Nandigram in 2007 and provided us with safe passage to flee. You know it is a lie." This is said by the 'Maoists' chief of the Nandigram zonal committee. Then he goes on to give the details of how members of parliament of a certain party have attended meetings jointly with the 'Maoists' in that particular place and spoken together with them. Here, I want to make two fundamental points on this and leave. You had a situation where the prime minister of this country and the home minister of this country had gone on record a number of times saying that the single largest threat to India's internal security is the 'Maoist' menace. Now, we, as a whole, unitedly should face this menace.

Now, I would want this august House and the country to remember that there were occasions when we created our own Frankenstein that had consumed our own leaders. The country has suffered, and more importantly, the Congress Party has suffered. You had the Dal Khalsa; you had Bhindranwale; you had the assassination of Mrs Gandhi. You had the IPKF; you had the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Don't create Frankensteins. For the sake of remaining in power, do not patronise people who are encouraging the 'Maoists' in our country today.

So, I am only making an appeal to this government that with our own experience of the past, let us not create new Frankensteins. You have been given the mandate to rule for five years. You have no problems of wanting to create such Frankensteins because you want to rule. You have that mandate. But even then, why are you adopting this approach whereby the resolve to fight against the 'Maoists' is being compromised and undermined by having a partner who is patronising and protecting them! Finally, my appeal to all the political parties, to everybody here is, let us not be partisan on this issue; neither communalise it nor politicise it. I am saying that let us fight it unitedly. I am asking the home minister, when he responds, to reflect the united will of the country and not politicise it. Thank you.

(Sub-headings added - Ed)


Source: pd.cpim.org